第四屆澳門模擬聯合國大會
旨在構建國際化平台予兩岸四地之中學生發揮所長，透過對世界時事及國際議題進行探究及分析，拓闊國際視野且培養自身思辯能力、從而提升學生團隊精神及領導才能。同時亦冀望借本次活動提升「模擬聯合國」於本澳之學術氣圍及社會參與。
委員會介紹
委員會：模擬聯合國教育、科學及文化組織
議題：提升非物質文化遺產保護
學術顧問：澳門地理暨教育研究會監事長 譚達賢博士
席位設置：40席；單代表制
⼯作語⾔：繁體中⽂（廣東話）
「文化的視野超越機械，文化仇恨著仇恨；文化有一個偉大的激情，追求和美與光明的激情。」
—馬大．安諾德
古代文明遺留咗龐大嘅遺跡，廟宇、樓閣、宮殿、祭壇……呢啲都喺每個後人心中刻下咗深刻嘅烙印。然而，喺呢啲帝國巨人踏過嘅土地上，旁邊嘅花朵依舊健壯成長，散發迷人清香，佢哋正係當時民眾生活嘅鮮活體現，如今被冠以“非物質文化遺產”之名。
我哋曾一度忘卻了佢哋嘅存在，僅僅關注前人鑄造嘅偉大建築，諸如金字塔、大教堂、宮殿，因為碑銘主義嘅推崇，1972年催生咗《世界文化和自然遺產公約》嘅誕生。而喺某一年，一首名為《El Condor Pasa》嘅流行樂喺市場上買賣，因為其旋律被指來源於玻利維亞嘅民歌，引起咗多國對呢首流行樂歸屬嘅爭議，最終花落誰家並不重要，但，使得我哋開始將目光投向佢哋 — 到底佢哋從何而來？又將往何處去？
係啊，上述民歌以及其他流傳坊間嘅歌謠並非好似當年荷馬所著嘅史詩《奧德賽》嗰般偉大，用以歌頌希臘人嘅血汗與淚水，它記錄嘅僅僅係凡間人們嘅日常經歷與生活智慧，同居住喺奧林匹克山上嘅神明形成鮮明對比。然而，當我哋喺多年後再次吟唱時，佢哋依舊𤨡𤨡上口，歌聲傳遍坊間與山野。佢哋嘅存在，讓我哋銘記自己嘅根源；佢哋嘅傳承，一次又一次咁彰顯咗其承載嘅價值，正如煙花般絢麗綻放。
但守護呢啲社群記憶嘅力量正在衰退，我哋喺不經意間捨棄咗許多民間習俗，呢個係全球化帶嚟嘅時空壓縮所致，定係人們自身忽視所帶嚟嘅危險？呢啲都需要我哋一一考證，但更為關鍵嘅係，我哋要瞭解如何喺面對如海嘯般嘅危機時，加強對非物質文化遺產嘅保護，留住嗰啲即將被侵蝕嘅文化土壤，讓花朵繼續扎根，讓清香傳得更遠。
Committee: Model International Labour Conference (ILC)
Topic: Fostering Inclusive Recovery: Addressing Youth Employment Challenges in a Post-Pandemic Labor Market
Academic Advisor: Director of Social, Economic and Public Policy Research Centre, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, Macao Polytechnic University Dr. Yifen Yin
Seats: 50 positions: single delegation
Working Language: British English
"We cannot go back to the 'normal' that failed so many young workers. This is our moment to reimagine work itself—to build systems that value humanity over productivity, that reward contribution over extraction, and that leave no young person on the margins of opportunity." — António Guterres, UN Secretary-General
In the shadows of a global pandemic that has fundamentally altered the nature of work, a generation stands at the crossroads of hope and despair. Young workers, once poised to inherit the promise of economic prosperity, now navigate a labour landscape fragmented by lockdowns, accelerated automation, and profound structural transformation. The COVID-19 pandemic did not solely disrupt economies—it unmasked and exacerbated pre-existing inequalities that have left young people particularly vulnerable to exclusion from decent work opportunities.
The statistics tell a sobering tale: youth unemployment rates have soared to unprecedented levels across continents, with young women, refugees, and those in informal economies bearing the heaviest burden. Digital divides have widened as remote work becomes normalised, leaving those without access to technology or reliable internet connections further marginalised. Meanwhile, essential workers—many of them young—have faced heightened exposure to health risks with insufficient protection or compensation, challenging our collective understanding of the social contract that underpins dignified employment.
Yet, within this crisis lies opportunity. The disruption of traditional work paradigms has created space for reimagining labour markets that are not merely resilient to future shocks, but fundamentally more inclusive and equitable. The question before the global community is not simply how to restore pre-pandemic employment levels, but how to forge a new path that addresses long-standing injustices while embracing the transformative potential of technological innovation, green transitions, and renewed social dialogue.
The International Labour Organization stands at this critical juncture with its unique tripartite structure—bringing together governments, employers, and workers—to craft solutions that balance economic recovery with social justice. Founded in the aftermath of another global catastrophe, the First World War, the ILO has consistently affirmed that lasting peace depends upon social justice, and that social justice cannot exist without decent work opportunities for all.
As delegates to this International Labour Conference, you inherit a profound responsibility. Your task is to negotiate frameworks, policies, and programmes that will shape the working lives of millions of young people around the world. Your decisions will determine whether the post-pandemic recovery reinforces existing inequalities or catalyses a more inclusive global economy where no young person is left behind. The path forward requires both courage and compassion, bold innovation and careful deliberation, global solidarity and local action.
In this pivotal moment, the power to forge a more just future for youth employment rests in your hands. May your deliberations be guided by wisdom, your negotiations by empathy, and your resolutions by an unwavering commitment to dignity for all workers.
委員會：模擬聯合國安全理事會
議題：2024中東局勢
學術顧問：程曦先生；2013年至今擔任多場中國內地及本澳大型模擬聯合國大會學術團隊
席位設置：18席，共33位；混合代表制
⼯作語⾔：繁體中⽂（普通話）
自2010年突尼斯茉莉花革命爆發以來，阿拉伯之春以迅雷不及掩耳之勢席捲了整個中東世界。埃及的穆巴拉克政權及其繼任者穆爾西被相繼推翻，權力落入軍方手中；也門的薩利赫、哈迪則不但失去了執政權，還將首都薩那拱手讓予了胡塞武裝；利比亞的卡扎菲在2011年殞命後，其一手締造的大利比亞阿拉伯人民社會主義民衆國隨之四分五裂，民族統一政府與民族穩定政府各自占據利比亞的西部和東部，相互攻伐，干戈不息，直至2020年底才進入長期對峙的狀態。在混亂、不幸的中東局勢中，敘利亞内戰顯然是最暴力、最血腥、最爲人所矚目的一頁。
2011年3月15日敘利亞内戰全面爆發，小阿薩德領導的敘利亞復興黨軍隊極力控制著全國主要的大中城市，而民族主義者組建的敘利亞臨時政府、以沙姆解放組織為首的敘利亞救國政府、庫爾德人主導的羅賈瓦則據守在敘利亞北部，掌握著龐大的領土，對抗著敘利亞復興黨的鎮壓。這場漫長的拉鋸戰持續了十餘年，導致了五十萬人至六十一萬人死亡，六百六十萬人流離失所。敘利亞内戰成爲了本世紀繼「非洲世界大戰」之後死亡人數最多的戰爭。在内戰正酣之際，還有伊斯蘭國、基地組織旗下的征服沙姆陣綫等極端組織趁勢崛起，為禍一方，給中東國家帶來了新的不穩定因素。
2024年11月，深陷困境的敘利亞局勢出現了戲劇性的變化，沙姆解放組織突然攻剋了敘利亞北部最大的城市阿勒頗，12月5日繼而攻占了中部的敘利亞第四大城市哈馬，僅僅三日過後，敘利亞反對派武裝已經進入了首都大馬士革。小阿薩德舉家狼狽逃亡俄羅斯，敘利亞復興黨政權覆滅。隨後沙姆解放組織首腦艾哈邁德·沙拉聯合各反對派成立了首届敘利亞過渡政府，試圖統合各路軍閥，建立起新的國防軍，似乎敘利亞的政局已初現曙光，然而國際社會對敘利亞新政府的態度依然撲朔迷離，復興黨的殘餘力量敘利亞解放軍事委員會還盤踞在沿海地區，興風作浪，挑起衝突。内外交困的敘利亞是從過去的傷痛中走出，邁向新的希望，還是跌回内戰的谷底，重起波瀾，一切都還遠未到塵埃落定之時。